Streetcar Envy: Seattle goes gah-gah for choo-choos

      We have seen the future of Seattle mass transit, and it looks suspiciously like the past. It is shiny and red and goes clackity-clack between South Lake Union and Westlake. It travels at a maximum speed of 20 mph and costs about $40 million per mile to build.
      Seattle, it seems, has gone downright gah-gah over choo-choos. Whatever the price in dollars and aggravation, the city is determined to take the A-Train. We haven’t yet completed that $2.7 billion-dollar rail line to Sea-Tac, but Sound Transit is desperately seeking more billions to extend that line to Northgate. We have the new South Lake Union Streetcar. And this week, planners unveiled their sketchy visions for streetcar lines in neighborhoods like Capitol Hill and the University District.  If the rail buffs have their way, we’ll soon be looking at and living in a cityscape reminiscent of another century -- the 19th.
    The operative map for Seattle’s transit vision is about a century old. You can go back to 1910, when Gramma and Grampa got around town just fine on a system of about 70 miles of streetcar tracks, including the legendary Interurban trolley that rumbled all the way to Everett and Tacoma. It was a fine system, and we probably should have kept it.
     But we didn’t. The tide turned in about 1911, when the city hired a smart fellow (read “consultant”) named Virgil Bogue to come out and draw up a bold new plan for Seattle. Bogue looked around, hired a crew of draftsmen, and produced an inch-thick document calling for an elaborate, New York-style transit system, with subways and elevated trains and a tunnel under Lake Washington.
     Put to a popular vote, the Bogue Plan lost by nearly 2-1. That was the beginning of the end. By the 1930s, the city was ripping up tracks and replacing streetcars with buses. The Interurban made its last run in 1939, just as engineers were completing the first floating bridge across the lake. By the beginning of the War, the transition was complete; Seattle had banked its future on the automobile.
    Rail buffs blame a nationwide conspiracy by General Motors to sell more buses. But rail transit was always geographically challenged in Seattle. All those picturesque hills and lakes serve as significant obstacles to streetcars that don’t climb hills, and don’t float.
    In any event, things haven’t worked out well. In the late 60s and early 70s, voters rejected plans for new freeways and for a proposed rapid transit system. So the city had to grow and prosper without any major expansion of its transportation system. For some time, the preferred strategy was buses, or more precisely “bus rapid transit,” which uses express buses in exclusive transit-only lanes, including the downtown bus tunnel.
      By the 1990s, the city was gridlocked. Drivers rolled down their car windows, shook their collective fists and bellowed something like “Do something. Do anything. But fix this mess!”
      And that’s more or less what’s happening. Government is doing something and anything -- digging holes, pouring concrete, laying rails, buying railcars – in a desperate attempt to rebuild what it dismantled 70 years ago. It’s system development by committee, or by many committees. Sound Transit builds light rail and operates those commuter trains to Tacoma and Everett. King County Metro builds and runs the new streetcar, along with the existing bus system. The state is adding HOV and transit lanes to the freeways. For a while, we had yet another agency building a monorail, until it collapsed on itself.
       Which is what skeptics expect to happen with some or all of those other railroad-builders. Critics of rail trail transit scored a huge victory last fall when voters rejected Sound Transit’s bid for billions more tax dollars. Yet the streetcar fad suggests that somebody out there is still determined to ride those rails.
      Rail critics point to a different conspiracy.. Randal O’Toole is an Oregon economist and self-styled libertarian who argues that Seattle is about to join dozens of cities that have got little or no benefits from the billions spent on light rail. Trolleys and streetcars are 19th century technology that is too slow, too dangerous and too expensive, he says. “Light rail is simply one more way to take money from the pockets of ordinary taxpayers and put it in the pockets of wealthy businesses.”
     Coalition for Effective Transportation Alternatives, a citizen group opposed to light rail, argues that Seattle had built one of the world’s best bus systems, and could adapt HOV lanes and traffic lights to move express buses more efficiently than light rail.
     But for every O’Toole there is a Todd Litman, a Victoria, BC, consultant who travels the world advising cities from Dubai to Valparaiso to San Jose how to build rail transit systems. And Litman is pro-streetcar. “Seattle originally developed around streetcars and railways,” Litman says. “It doesn’t make sense to argue that it can’t work again.”
     Litman learned his way around transportation issues as a volunteer bicycle advocate in Olympia, and eventually studied transit issues at Evergreen State College. He frequently finds himself at odds with the likes of O’Toole.
     Ultimately, the choice between rail transit and bus transit is made by passengers, he says. “There is a bias out there. People will pay more for a Mercedes than for a Chevy. There is nothing wrong with people wanting something more prestigious, and they view light rail and streetcars as more comfortable and more prestigious.”
    But is a little prestige really worth $40 million per mile?
     John Niles, a transportation consultant and critic of light rail, is a little kinder toward streetcars. They're not cost effective, he says, “but the scale of the error is so much smaller than with light rail.”
    Streetcars have a few things going for them, he says. South Lake Union businesses are picking up part of the costs of the new line, and hopefully that would be the case with other lines, he says. They may attract some tourists.    “As transportation, they don’t make much sense,” he says. “But they’re nice. They’re an amenity. They’re street candy.”

Whither the Beleaguered Times: Go Weekly?

    (News item: The Seattle Times announces some 200 layoffs, including dozens in news and other editorial departments.) 

    I made two excellent decisions during my 30-year newspaper career. The first was to go into daily newspapering in 1970 – just before the Watergate scandal launched newspapers into one last glory period of prosperity and professional prestige. The second was to bail  out in 2001 and move to Port Townsend – so I would not have to stay and watch them die.
     The death spiral at the Seattle Times and other metro dailies carries an air of inevitability. But it’s worth noting the economics of some 7,000 American newspapers, mostly small town weeklies, which are doing just fine. Take, for example, the weekly Port Townsend Leader, where I write a now-and-then column. Each week, the Leader sells 8,400 papers in a county of 30,000 people and 12,000 households – an amazing market penetration of 70 percent. And it makes money.
    Maybe the economic grim reaper is taking a little longer to find us out here in the provinces. Or perhaps weeklies are providing something not found in metro dailies, nor the Internet. Weeklies, after all, face the same competition. Most of us out here in the boonies now have cable TV and computers with high-speed Internet. Many of us get a Seattle daily or the New York Times delivered as well. So why pay six bits a week for the local weekly?
    Because weekly newspapers understand that journalism, like politics, starts at home. The Leader offers no national or world news; that we get from NPR, CNN, or online. But it makes itself indispensible by printing the information people need – high school sports and movie times, agendas for this week’s school board and city council meetings, ferry schedules and tide tables, calendars of upcoming lectures and charity auctions and upcoming night classes on diesel maintenance or Internet marketing.
    And then there are the ads. The dailies are not losing readers nearly as fast as they lose advertisers. This is because metro dailies long ago raised ad rates beyond the reach of most local merchants, relying instead on national advertisers; now they’re losing those national ads as well. But community papers like the Leader still rely on stacks of ads for local hardware and feed stores, barber shops and realtors.
   What’s the lesson here for the Seattle Times and other metro dailies? Think local.   Most readers already know who won last night’s ballgame, or the Pennsylvania primary. But who will tell me what the Seattle City Council is up to? Or how the port is spending all those easy tax dollars? Or why the state ferry system is in disarray?
    The greater challenge is, of course, how to lure back those ads. Can dailies break up their product into packages that can be priced within reach of local merchants?   Years ago, The Times tried going local with zoned editions north, south and east. Alas, zone staffers are at the top of this week’s list of layoffs.
     Somehow, an organization that has been trying to think big and regional, has to think small and local. And maybe that simply is not do-able, unless you are already small and local, and you’ve learned to like it.

The Chief Seattle Speech that Wasn't

   Yes, there was a Chief Seattle. And, by all reports, he was a very fine fellow indeed. But, no,he did not say: "The earth is our mother."
    In fact, the earth-mother quote is just one of many ecological observations, widely attributed to Chief Seattle, that are pure, unadulterated myth - and relatively recent myth at that. Try these:
   * "We are a part of the earth and it is part of us." Chief Seattle might have believed this, but there is no evidence he ever said it.
   * "Contaminate your bed and you will one night suffocate in your own waste." Yuk! No Way. 
   * "I have seen a thousand rotting buffaloes on the prairie, left by the white man who shot them from a passing train." Get serious. Chief Seattle never left Puget Sound, so he never saw a railroad, nor a buffalo - dead or alive.
   For at least a generation, local historians and Native Americans have been trying to correct these and other myths surrounding the native patriarch who gave Seattle its name. But myth dies hard. Especially a myth that serves the ends of a vibrant environmental movement.
   Here, according to Seattle’s Museum of Science and Industry, is what is known: In 1854, an aging Chief Seattle attended a reception for territorial Gov. Isaac Stevens, who was trying to buy Puget Sound lands from the Indians. The chief, who spoke no English, delivered a speech, which supposedly was translated by pioneer Dr. Henry A. Smith. And in 1887, Smith published the speech in a Seattle newspaper.
    "There was a time when our people covered the whole land as the waves of a wind-ruffled sea covers its shell-paved floor," Seattle was reported to have said in his native Duwamish language.     "But that time has long since passed away...I will not mourn over our untimely decay, nor reproach my paleface brothers for hastening it, for we too may have been somewhat to blame...
   "Our dead never forget the beautiful world that gave them being. They still love its winding rivers, its great mountains and its sequestered vales, and they ever yearn in tenderest affection over the lonely-hearted living, and often return to visit and comfort them...
   "Every part of this country is sacred to my people. Every hillside, every valley, every plain and grove has been hallowed by some fond memory."
   And so forth. Nice speech. But even that translation is questionable, at best. Smith claimed to speak Duwamish, but it’s a difficult language and he had only been in the Northwest for a year. So his fluency was dubious.

   Still, Smith's has been the authorized version, accepted by local historians from Clarence Bagley to Roger Sale.
   Then, some 20 years ago, comes the "green" version, with Chief Seattle waxing eloquent, and at great length, about the earth mother and the buffalo and contaminating one's bed. Sometimes it is a letter from the Great White Father, who happened to be Franklin Pierce. Sometimes it is a poem.

    In 1974, the speech droned from the mouth of a Chief Seattle statue at the Spokane World's Fair. It has been reprinted hundreds, perhaps thousands of times in books, films posters and brochures, published by groups ranging from Friends of the Earth to the Southern Baptists.
   Skeptics cried foul. In 1975, Janice Krenmayr wrote an article for The Seattle Times, warning that "Chief Seattle must be turning over in his grave." Bill Holm, curator at the Burke Museum, pleaded for environmentalists to step forward and admit they had made it up.
    But myth is more resilient than history. It persists. Where did it come from? It took a West German historian named Rudolph Kaiser to figure that out. A student of the American Indian, Kaiser tracked it down to an environmental film documentary that was aired on national television in 1971. The script had been written by Ted Perry, an East Coast scriptwriter who composed the new version, composed that soupy prose about rotting buffalo, and attributed it all to Chief Seattle.
   So what's the difference? The unauthorized version is a passionate call to ecological responsibility, a plea to halt the slaughter of an animal Chief Seattle had never seen. It reads like it was written by a card-carrying member of the Sierra Club - which it was.
   The original speech was something else again. Chief Seattle was a strong and well-respected leader who helped smooth the transition in Puget Sound from native control to Western control. Unfortunately, he did that by accepting promises of compensation – promises made by people who didn't keep promises very well.
   Chief Seattle valued the land not because it was inherently sacred, but because it was the dwelling place of his ancestors, MOHAI says. His speech was essentially a surrender to the advance of Western civilization, an invasion his people could no longer resist.

Historylink: Seattle's Memory


(Note: This profile, published in 2001, focuses on the late Seattle writer and popular historian Walt Crowley. Walt died of cancer in 2007, and this writer hopes this piece contributes to a community’s appreciation of what has been lost…)


    History unfolds in odd ways and unexpected places, such as the corner table at the Elephant and Castle pub in downtown Seattle. Thursday afternoons, a motley crew of Seattleites - a resurfaced underground artist, a former cop, a Boeing software engineer, a computer-game designer and more - gathers there to nurse a few beers while brainstorming their obsession with the history of Seattle and environs.
    "I'll take Ballard and Pioneer Square," says convener Walt Crowley at one recent session. "Who's taking Lake City?"
    "What about May 14?" somebody asks. "Is it possible that nothing has ever happened in Seattle on May 14!"
     "Did you realize that the Columbia Tower, at 910 feet, is less than one-third the height of the Vashon Glacier 14,000 years ago?"
     What sounds like trivia is, in fact, history in the making. These are the writers and Webmasters at History Ink, the Seattle nonprofit which produces the Web site HistoryLink.org. HistoryLink is to local history what eBay is to online auctions. With countless millions of "hits" in its brief existence, this burgeoning site has made itself an indispensable resource to users ranging from seventh-grade essayists to Ph.D. candidates and, yes, more than the occasional Northwest journalist.
    Visitors who log on at www.historylink.org are greeted by thousands of essays, nicely illustrated, on topics ranging from the Vashon Glacier to the Nisqually Earthquake. For the uninitiated, there is a 10-minute tour of Seattle history, or an interactive map that allows visitors to zoom in on their own block. There are thumbnail histories of key people, towns, neighborhoods and institutions. You can read Chief Seattle's famous speech, along with an essay questioning its authenticity. You can browse through photos and maps and documents and more - all linked by an efficient, electronic search engine.
   The site, which went online in 1998, gets rave reviews even from its more traditional competition. They're telling history in a way that is more accessible than ever," says Leonard Garfield, director of Seattle's Museum of History & Industry (MOHAI). "The Web provides an amazing ability to flip back and forth and connect the dots in a way that allows one to see the bigger picture."
   And this site is also uniquely Seattle's. There are countless historical Web sites, ranging from Historychannel.com to the Library of Congress site and more. But none approaches HistoryLink's focus on a single city and its environs.
   While the brainstorming occurs at the pub, the Webmastering occurs a block away, in a tiny seventh-story office crammed with second-hand desks, computers, wall maps, an overflowing bookcase, a 1950s fallout-shelter sign, a folded scooter and, at any given time, at least a couple of self-styled historians. Tucked in a corner closet is the server, the computer that actually stores the gigabytes of data that would fill a 15,000-page set of encyclopedias.
   Which was the original idea behind HistoryLink, according to the late founder Walt Crowley. "We were supposed to be a book."
    Crowley, who died in 2007, was a much-loved Seattle journalist and one-time bureaucrat perhaps best known for his seven years as a liberal sparring mate to conservative spokesman John Carlson on KIRO-TV News. He was an unlikely Webmaster. For years, he resisted using a computer for anything.
    Yet his personal biography reads like a synopsis of recent Seattle history. Crowley arrived in Seattle with his family in 1961 when his father took an engineering job at Boeing. Crowley thought he had "dropped off the edge of the Earth."
   Graduating from high school in 1965, he went on to the University of Washington, where he was "seduced into the underground press" - the weekly "Helix," founded by one Paul Dorpat. Instead of writing, Crowley drew the outrageous covers and cartoons that made Helix locally famous.

    After three years, he decided "there was not going to be a revolution," and defected to the establishment: Seattle City Hall. As an adviser to then-Mayor Wes Uhlman, Crowley worked on neighborhood and employment programs, where "we revolutionized city government."
   In 1979, he made an unsuccessful bid for City Council, then teamed up with his soon-to-be wife Marie McCaffrey to make a living from free-lance journalism and graphics. This, in turn, launched his journey into local history, when he agreed to write a history of the Seattle Municipal League "as a community service to pay off several years of unpaid parking tickets."
   "I got the bug," Crowley recalled many years later. "I thought I knew all about the Muny League. But then you learn: Everything is connected by history, and it's important to understand that hidden infrastructure of relationships and experiences and personalities."
   Meanwhile, he auditioned for the job of countering conservative Carlson on the KIRO evening news, a job that raised his profile while he attracted more history clients: the ultra-establishment Rainier Club, Seattle University, Metro Transit, Group Health and more.
    "Contract history has never been a problem for me," he said. "I've found that each client, whether it's the Rainier Club or Group Health, truly wants to know its own story. All history is interpretation. The writer has to protect the factual integrity of the information. And I suppose the interpretation is always open to discussion, but that has never been a problem."
   Meanwhile, he found time to deliver his own memoir of the 1960s, "Rites of Passage." For that project, he worked closely with Dorpat, his old "Helix" friend who already had established himself as a popular historian with his weekly "Now and Then" feature in Pacific Northwest, the Seattle Times Sunday magazine. "Seattle was just about to turn 150, and there was a need to lay down a new historical baseline," Crowley recalled. "The last comprehensive history of King County was written in the 1920s, so we kicked around the idea of a local encyclopedia."
   It was McCaffrey, his wife, who suggested in 1997 that a book was a quaint and perhaps anachronistic idea, that they should be constructing a Web site instead. So they did..
   HistoryLink became a nonprofit conceived as a one-stop source for local history that would be all "original content, nothing scammed from other sources," Crowley recalled. And, as a longtime free-lancer himself, he was determined to pay his writers real money - $30 an hour for work accepted for the site.

   They met with an experienced Web designer who assured them it would be feasible but very expensive, about $1 million for starters. They lighted on a domain name, and got a critical start-up grant from local philanthropist Patsy Bullitt Collins, who told them, "I've never even seen a Web site, but I love history and I respect you guys." In time this was followed by grants from the city of Seattle, King County and a long list of benefactors ranging from AT&T to the Gates Foundation. 

    Ninety percent of History Ink's income is used to pay the staff writers.
    That team is no ivory tower jammed with pointy-headed academics. In addition to Dorpat and McCaffrey, there is Chris Goodman, a twenty-something graphic artist who previously designed computer games; Cassandra Tate, another middle-aged baby-boomer who actually has a doctorate in history; and Alan Stein, a former Boeing software engineer with a passion for history and museums.
    "After 13 years at Boeing, I was ready to make less money doing something I love to do," says Stein. "I've never looked back."
    Meanwhile, Crowley kept his liberal politics off his Web site, says Carlson, his former conservative counterpart. "For Walt, history is a greater passion than politics," he says.
   But Crowley was sucked into an occasional turf battle. At one point, he complained publicly that Mayor Paul Schell was favoring MOHAI over HistoryLink, and downplaying Seattle's upcoming birthday.
   All this for a city which some believe is too young to have much of a history.
   Not so, Crowley argued. "The history of any American city is not much more than 150 years, because they are all creatures of the Industrial Revolution. We don't have that pre-industrial substrata of colonial rule. As far as recorded history, events begin in 1851 with a group of people who came out here with the specific intention of building a city."
     So what's next for HistoryLink? Expansion, of course. Crowley and company are gradually going statewide, determined to become the unofficial online historical source for Spokane and Walla Walla and Centralia and more. They've reserved the domain name "WashingtonLink," and they muse over the prospect of the "Linkabego," a traveling Internet room to introduce their site to schools and towns across the region, and to collect the personal stories of its people.
    All that will cost money. But then history suggests this is well within the realm of possibility.

Northwest Totems: Still Standing


   Somewhere out there in America, Internet entrepreneurs are selling "Northwest Coast-style totem poles" on eBay for prices starting at about $30. These totems are hand-carved and hand-painted, 20 to 30 inches tall, and they look very Northwest. I know, because I bought one. And today it sits on my fireplace mantel with the rest of my growing collection of model totem poles.  I like it.
   But it's worth noting that said totems are hand-carved by a family in Indonesia. They may be Northwest "style," but they are definitely not Northwest Coast.
   So it goes with the quintessential icon of the Pacific Northwest. Once upon a time, the people who lived in this soggy corner of the continent whittled away at native cedar logs and created exquisite renditions of Northwest creatures, real and mythical — bears and orcas and frogs and the obligatory, spread-winged Thunderbird. Painted in blacks and earthy reds, those sculptures were instantly recognized as distinctly us. 
   Today, our icon belongs to the world. Click onto eBay and search for "totem," and you will get hundreds of hits. You will find Navajo totems, Iroquois totems and Seminole totems. You will find totems made of plastic or cast iron or cardboard, painted in every imaginable hue including phosphorescent yellow and pink. You will find totem pole salt-and-pepper shakers, made in China. You will find totem-shaped whiskey or perfume bottles, spoons and candles and door knockers and bottle openers. You will find Muppet totems, and Winnie the Pooh totems and, yes, Mickey Mouse totems, with Mickey sitting atop Goofy, selling for $25 or more.
   Here and there, you may find the odd legitimate Northwest model totem — skillfully carved from red or yellow cedar, in symmetrical forms and signed by the artist. And it's nice to know that totems carved or believed to be carved by Northwest Native Americans still bring the best prices — frequently into three and four digits.
    But most of what's for sale out there is about as Northwest as pepperoni pizza. The totem pole has been yanked from the bosom of the Northwest. It has been borrowed, altered, derived and effectively corrupted into terrible things that bear no real resemblance to the little model totem poles we know and love. And somehow it doesn't seem right.
   And somehow it seems perfectly appropriate, because we started it. The desecration of the Northwest Coast totem pole started right here at home. Consider:
    • Totem poles are not native to Puget Sound Country. Historians tell us that totems as we know them were part of the culture of just three coastal tribes — the Haida, Tlingit and Tsimshian — who lived hundreds of miles north of here in British Columbia and Alaska. Puget Sound Indians did not traditionally carve totems, and it is unlikely that Chief Seattle ever saw one.
    • Even those northern people carved big totems exclusively. The much smaller model totems were produced only when the tourists began to show up, shopping for souvenirs.
     • Even the word "totem" is not Northwest. It was borrowed from the Algonquian language of the Ojibwa people some 2,000 miles east of here.
   Over the past century, totem poles have traveled from the shores of the Pacific to the shelves of airport gift shops and to the brink of extinction — and back again. To a great extent, that cultural journey mirrors the recent history of the people who created the enduring art form in the first place.
   Authorities aren't sure  how long those northern Native peoples had been carving totems. The raw material being highly biodegradable, old totems have long since deteriorated, leaving little evidence of what was carved before European contact. Some early European explorers collected samples of Northwest carving, and those artifacts remain in European museums. But other explorers such as George Vancouver did not report seeing totems, leading some authorities to believe that totems were rather scarce until the newcomers arrived with iron carving tools.
Still, carving was clearly an essential part of the Northwest culture, says Robin Wright, a UW art historian who works with the Northwest collections at the Burke Museum.
   Their purpose was "to display family crests," Wright explains. "They were heraldic crests that belonged to noble families." Their most important function may have been to denote the clan association of a particular household.
   The shape and style of the art varied from one culture to the next, she says. While the northern Haidas and Tlingits carved the familiar totems, other tribes such as the Kwakiutl, who lived along the central British Columbia coast, produced handsome carvings that doubled as house posts. The Puget Sound Salish people were more likely to produce carved panels, few of which have survived.
     By the mid-19th century, as whites arrived and controlled the region, they brought the iron tools that may have enabled coastal artists to carve deeper and faster. But they also brought epidemics of smallpox and other diseases that killed thousands of people, sometimes entire villages. Then the white governments banned the "potlatch" ceremonies; the gift-giving feasts were believed to undermine the community work ethic. Since totem poles were closely related to the potlatch, they, too, were prohibited.
   Meanwhile, pioneer anthropologists and tourists descended on coastal villages and began to collect artifacts for East Coast museums. In 1899, some Seattle businessmen, touring the Alaska coast, sawed down a giant totem in the southeastern village of Tongass, shipped it home to Seattle and raised it with great fanfare in Pioneer Square. A replica of that pole still stands there.
    But the same invaders who stole and outlawed totems may also have helped save them — albeit inadvertently. By the late 19th century, steamships full of tourists were sailing through the spectacular Inside Passage, stopping in coastal villages to snap photos of the Natives. The Canadian Pacific Railroad went so far as to turn one village's totems to face passing tourists.
The tourists, in turn, wanted souvenirs, and the Natives obliged.
    "Most people couldn't pack up a full-sized totem," explains Bill McLennan, a curator at the British Columbia Museum of Anthropology in Vancouver. "They wanted something portable."
    The first models were produced by Haida carvers — and not from wood, but argillite, a soft, black, soapstone-like mineral found exclusively at a single quarry in the Queen Charlotte Islands, McLennan says. Initially, argillite was carved for trade with visiting sailors, but eventually they were sold to tourists as well.
    In time, the small sculptures proved so popular, and profitable, that neighboring tribes resumed carving. The model totems took the same characteristic forms — stylized bears, birds, whales and other regional creatures, usually painted in deep reds, blacks and greens. The government officials and missionaries who had banned the potlatch considered this enterprise to be industrious, and encouraged it.
    "There was more travel, leading to an exchange of ideas," Wright says. "Gradually, the custom moved southward."
    And beyond. The 1893 Chicago World's Fair included an elaborate display of Northwest arts — not just model totems, but entire villages with model houses and model canoes, all commissioned by Franz Boaz, the pioneer anthropologist who had collected countless coastal artifacts for Eastern museums.
   Eventually, Native Americans across the country were producing their own totems. Skilled carvers were sought out by museums and subsidized by both the U.S. and Canadian governments — especially during the Great Depression. Eventually, totems were being mass-produced in small factories.
    The market has moved overseas as well. Dorothy Martin, manager of Hill's Native Art in Vancouver, B.C., sees a steady flow of German tourists in her shop. "They're very sophisticated and interested in it," she says. "I'm told it started with German children's stories about Canada and First Nations people. Now they have clubs and perform Native dances and ceremonies." 
   Native art has become big business, supporting scores of artists and shops from Anchorage to San Francisco and beyond. A Vancouver company called Boma, founded by a Russian-Swiss immigrant, has been manufacturing resin copies of traditional argillite totems for four decades. They've expanded into prints and other artifacts, and founder Boris Mange reports they're doing just fine.
   Given today's technology, totems are relatively easy to reproduce — legally or otherwise. One well-known Makah artist sued and won when he discovered that Alaska shops were selling model totems with his counterfeit signature. A few years ago, two Seattle merchants paid $40,000 in fines for selling thousands of pieces of art advertised as Native-made when they were not.
     If globalization has watered down the original arts, it has also had benefits. Wright and other authorities emphasize that it was the tourist traffic in model totems and other Northwest arts that enabled coastal carvers to survive the grim years of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Canadian artists such as Charlie James, Ellen Neel, Mungo Martin and Ray Williams were able to make a living with their carving. They, in turn, passed their skills along to the next generation of carvers such as Bill Reid of Canada.
    Model totems from that period are scarce, and in great demand. A Charlie James totem, if it could be found, would sell for the price of a decent car.
    Robin Wright, at Seattle's Burke Museum, is trying to track down the carvings from the 1893 Fair, which were scattered across the art world. Some were preserved at the Field Museum in Chicago, but she's found others as far-flung as Brooklyn, Philadelphia and Vienna. And she's still hunting.

   Today, model toems remain a standard souvenir for visitors to this region. To sample the fare, take a stroll down First Avenue and the waterfront. Start with the gift shops around the Pike Place Market, where you'll find 6- or 8-inch totems lined up like canned goods right next to the T-shirts and miniature Space Needles. The thunderbird wings may swivel, and it may look like it was carved with a chainsaw, but that's what you get for $50 to $100.
   Look a little farther and you'll find The Legacy, which has been selling high-end regional Native American art since the 1930s. Here you can buy a 10-inch totem signed by the carver for $1,200, or a 9-foot, full-sized model for $25,000.
   The middlebrow market is a short walk down the hill at Ye Olde Curiosity Shoppe, a family-owned landmark that has been selling model totems since the 1890s. Here the door itself is framed in totems. And inside you need to get past the glass-encased mummies and plastic trinkets to find an entire corner devoted to model totems, standing wingtip-to-wingtip against the back wall.
    "I think my great grandfather had a lot of influence on the art," says Andy James, the latest of four generations who have sold totems here. "He cut pictures from a big anthropology book, loaned them to Native artists and told them: 'If you can carve this, I can sell it.' And he did." 

    James won't hazard a guess at how many totems his family has sold, except to say "thousands" — everything from 4-inch Boma replicas to 6-foot originals, at prices ranging from $10 to $1,000 or more.
    "Years ago, we had a carver who called himself Chief White Eagle who carved small totems and painted them in fluorescent colors — mainly because he had a lot of that paint," James says. "They were really awful. But we couldn't get enough of them. People came in, looked at the good stuff, then turned around and spotted those fluorescent totems, and that's what they wanted."
Behind the counter, Jim Breen specializes in totems. He sold them here in the 1960s, and has been collecting them ever since. The clientele, he says, is a mix of souvenir-hunters and serious collectors, and he can satisfy both.
    Given the opportunity, however, he pushes the work of a select few artists — particularly Rick Williams, who comes from a Canadian Nitinaht family that has been carving for generations.
These days, Williams lives with his wife and three sons in the old industrial town of Concrete in the Upper Skagit Valley. He says he's been carving for 41 years, since he was 6. He works long days, either in his shop or, weather permitting, alongside Highway 20, where he sells his work to passersby. When I talked to him, he was sharpening his Old Timer pocket knife, and packing up a 30-inch, $1,000 totem for shipment to a gallery in Switzerland.
    To this point, Williams' work does not qualify as museum art — perhaps because he is so prolific. Like all art, the value of totems is based in large part on supply, and there is no scarcity of Rick Williams totems. After all those years, he has "no clue" how many he has produced. On a good day, he can carve an 18-inch totem, or a couple of 12-inchers.
    He's aware of the competition — the molded resin copies and the overseas knock-offs. "Some guy keeps calling me, wanting to make molds and do some mass marketing or something," Williams says. "But that doesn't feel right.
    "Besides, there are plenty of people out there who want to buy my work. I don't have any trouble selling what I carve, and I'm supporting my family. What else can I ask?"
    To a casual collector, his totems are skillfully rendered, intricate and handsome. They would stand up well to those museum pieces up at the Burke.
    But what do I know? I'm the guy whose mantel is graced by a totem pole carved in Northwest Indonesia.
    I know this: That a few regional artists like Rick Williams are helping keep alive something important, an art form that helps distinguish this soggy coastline from the great sweep of homogenized American culture.
    Yes, totem poles can be copied from pictures in magazines and popped from resin molds. They can depict Apache warriors, or Mickey Mouse and Goofy. They can be sold for $10 or $10,000 and displayed in living rooms in Seattle or Switzerland.
    But our regional icon is safe as long as Williams is out there, sitting beside the highway and using a pocket knife to transform a block of clear-grained cedar into a mythical montage of Northwest orcas and brown bears topped off by a spread-winged thunderbird.

Hard Times in Seattle

 

 Bill Cumming: Seattle in the '30s
By Ross Anderson

   Bill Cumming steps gingerly across the cobblestones of Occidental Park, pauses to steady himself beside a lamppost, and examines the streetscape at First Avenue and South Washington Street. Behind thick, horn-rimmed glasses and the floppy brim of his cap, 84-year-old eyes study images of brick and iron that trigger memories of a turbulent decade.
   "Up there was the Trotskyite headquarters," he says, pointing to the top of the Maynard Building. "Up at the other end of the block was the Washington Pension Union, headed up by Bill Pennoch, and I suppose he was the best-known Communist in town."
    A bit tottery without his cane, the venerable painter and teacher — last of the famous "Northwest School" of artists that included friends Mark Tobey and Morris Graves — takes a few more steps down South Washington.
     He points to where a charismatic preacher evangelized by day and reputedly "ran a string of girls" by night. He points to where he heard Charles Lindbergh speak to a huge crowd on his cross-country barnstorming tour in the "Spirit of St. Louis." He recalls the Skid Road flophouses and greasy-spoon cafes "where you could get a decent meal for 35 cents, unless you wanted pie." 
      Seattle in the 1930s occupied a damp, remote corner of a young, broad-shouldered nation. It was an adolescent city with 350,000 people and a colonial economy based on harvesting its trees and fish and Eastern Washington wheat and shipping them off to distant places. It had been just 80 years, one healthy lifetime, since the Denny Party landed at Alki Beach, and there were still Seattle residents who had known those pioneers.
   "This was mostly a city of lumpy, dusty people — the people I paint," Cumming recalls. "It was a city of working stiffs trying to make a living. There was a wonderful small townness. Tree-lined streets and family homes. People sitting in the cabbage patch above Sicks' Stadium, watching minor-league baseball."
   To most of us, the years of the Great Depression seem almost as distant as the Denny Party. But we all have neighbors who lived through and perhaps came of age during that troubled decade. Their experiences were vastly different, but they share one observation: The 1930s was the last hurrah of "Old Seattle."
   "The day after Pearl Harbor, there were sentries on station at Boeing," Cumming recalls. "The city would never be the same again."
    Seattle would be changed profoundly by thousands of servicemen, plus welders and steelworkers and engineers from around the nation who came to build bombers and warships — and stayed here. It would be changed by megawatts of surplus hydropower from the new Grand Coulee Dam, by automobiles and Interstate highways, by television and a World's Fair. It would be changed by the Lake Washington floating bridge, which opened the Eastside to a suburban boom.

   Seattle's seniors recall this transformation with some nostalgia, but little regret. For most, life in the '30s was hard. Like most cities, Seattle was clobbered by the stock-market crash in 1929. By late 1931, wages had fallen 35 percent, and as many as 20,000 were out of work. Retail sales were off by 17 percent, construction down by 70 percent. The official unemployment rate was 7 percent, but the reality was far worse. Shipping and shipbuilding ground to a halt. Forty Northwest lumber mills closed. Hundreds of men lived in a shantytown known as "Hooverville," a few blocks south of Pioneer Square, where the unemployed picked their own mayor, enforced their own rules and tweaked the establishment.
   The climate was ripe for radical politics. Seattle already was known across the country as a haven for left-wing politics — the Pacific Northwest "soviet" where, in 1919, the revolutionary Wobblies had led a citywide general strike.
   "It was terrible," Cumming explains. "Good men felt guilty because they couldn't support their families. The system had failed. We all believed: There must be something better than this."
   In his 84 years, Cumming has seen the best and the worst of his times. He was born in Montana and raised in Tukwila, where his father owned a share of a Chrysler dealership. "The crash blew it all away," he says. "My father lost his business, and his partner took off with what was left. It took years for him to pay off the debts."
   Cumming graduated in 1934 and headed for Seattle. Eventually, he landed a job with the Federal Art Project, where he met Morris Graves and Kenneth Callahan — already established Northwest artists. At age 21, Cumming was hooked by the world of art and artists, of social ideals and revolution. For a time, he roamed the city, sketching. His favored subjects were at the State Burlesque on Skid Road, dockworkers and ditch diggers, dancers and prostitutes.

    "I made $66 a month. Carpenters made $96, which gives you an idea where art sat on the federal totem pole."
   Seattle was highly class- conscious, quietly racist, a city "ruled by a bunch of real-estate people," he says. "Eventually, I became a Red. ... We were naïve. We talked about things we knew nothing about, and we believed it. So, when the Revolution turned into an outburst of murder, I went through the usual disillusionment."
   Today, Cumming lives with his wife in a modest home with beamed ceilings and Persian carpets on oak floors, tucked into the woods in Lake Forest Park. He teaches painting three days a week at the Art Institute of Seattle and has staged a remarkable comeback as one of Seattle's best-known painters.
    And he still paints several hours a day in a small studio, surrounded by his work — canvas rectangles painted in wandering lines and deep oranges and yellows, warm silhouettes of the lumpy people who populated a time and place that have long since faded away.

A brief history of Seattle Maps

Plots, Plats and Panoramas: Mapping Seattle

By Ross Anderson

   George Vancouver was not impressed. He said so with his map. In 1792, the English explorer and his crew spent several weeks exploring Puget Sound, eventually producing the first-ever map of this corner of the continent. The map, so accurate that one could follow it down the Sound today, shows Tacoma's Commencement Bay in some detail, and the skipper was so impressed with the future site of Everett that he went ashore and claimed it for His Majesty. But halfway between them, what we now know as Seattle shows as a mere dimple in a complex shoreline; it wasn't even worth a name.

   Still, Vancouver's map provided the world's first look at the place that, 60 years later, became Seattle. Since then, Seattle has inspired countless hundreds of maps — from plat maps to gas-station maps, from panoramic views to satellite images. Like Vancouver, each mapmaker selected which features to show or not show, delivering its own geographical and editorial comment on the city that now prepares to observe the 150th anniversary of its founding.

   The other day, I asked 20 of my colleagues to sketch a quick map of their fair city. Their sketches had one common characteristic: Each was oriented with North at the top of the page. Beyond that they were, well, all over the map. A manager sketched a neat, tidy city, like a corporate organizational chart. A columnist offered a people-oriented tour of Seattle neighborhoods. An Eastsider depicted Seattle as an insignificant island just offshore from Bellevue.

   A few themes emerged. Most started with Seattle's unique hourglass figure — defined by Puget Sound on one side and Lake Washington on the other, wide at the top and bottom, skinny in the middle. And virtually everyone's map included I-5 or a Lake Washington bridge — their routes from home to work and back.

   Not surprising, perhaps, since most Americans view maps merely as tools for finding the shortest distance from here to there. But they are much more than that. Maps and mapmakers weave science and geometry, language and art into documents that people like me see as a high form of literature. Vancouver's maps, 200 years out of date, line my stairway at home, and hardly a day passes that I don't stop to admire them.

   City maps have especially rich genes The oldest known map, scrawled on a wall in Turkey and depicting a long-forgotten town at the foot of a volcano, has been carbon-dated to about 6,200 B.C. And long before anybody decided the earth was round, there were artful renditions of Jerusalemand Rome and other ancient cities.

   The history of Seattle's map is far more prosaic. Yet, like Rome or Jerusalem, our culture remains deeply rooted in our geography. List a local issue — rapid transit or declining salmon, earthquakes or energy shortages — and chances are it can be explained in large part by looking at a map. The first views were crude plats drawn by the founders, essentially legal documents establishing their land claims. 

   The first Seattle map seen by the outside world was produced in 1854 by a U.S. naval crew that dropped anchor in "Duwamish Bay" to chart its shoreline, part of the government's effort to survey thousands of miles of mostly-uncharted Pacific Northwest coastline. That chart shows a kidney-shaped inlet, half of it mudflats shielded by the roughly rectangular Alki peninsula. Midway down the eastern shore of the bay, at the edge of the mudflats, is a minor point of land with a spattering of about 10 dots representing buildings. The dots are labeled "Seattle," the name pioneers gave to the place where they built rustic homes on the site of an old Indian village.

   That's about it. The next two decades were virtually mapless in Seattle. The village grew slowly to 250 people in 1860, then 1,100 in 1870 — too small to need a map. Regional maps and atlases from the period were more likely to show Victoria, B.C., Olympia or Portland.

   But in 1878, an itinerant artist named E.S. Glover strode ashore and struck a deal to draw the definitive "bird's-eye view" of the city. Like dozens of other traveling artists of his day, Glover's mission was partly about art but mostly about business. The idea was to find a newspaper or a real-estate salesman to finance the job, then produce a detailed and handsome view of the city from some theoretical place up there, and sell the prints. Glover was a busy artist; in the previous year, he had drawn cities from San Diego to Victoria. The bird's-eye artist began with an accurate layout of the town's topography and streets, picked his point of view, then toured the streets, sketching buildings, streets, docks — anything that seemed to matter. "They had to be accurate," says local historian Greg Lange. "People wanted their businesses and homes to be on the map — or they wouldn't buy them!"

   The Seattle Glover drew in 1878 was a village of about 3,000 people, still focused on the lumber mill and dock at the foot of Yesler Street. Just south of Jackson, the town turned to mudflats. The tiny business district consisted of about six blocks; houses clustered between Seventh Avenue and the waterfront and north to Pine Street.

   The town began to boom in the early 1880s, spurred by the arrival of the Northern Pacific Railroad in Tacoma, providing transportation for Puget Sound resources. Streetcars opened new residential areas. Real-estate speculators filed plats, which required new maps. The city needed topographical maps to design water and sewer lines.

   It's easy to see the speculators at work in a map from 1891, says Richard Morrill, longtime geography professor at the University of Washington. They're filing plats on steep slopes, bogs, even the tideflats off Magnolia.

   Meanwhile, along came another birds-eye artist, Augustus Koch, who drew a very different city. By 1891, Seattle's population had exploded to 50,000. Pioneer Square was a bustling commercial crossroads of ships and trains that crossed the mudflats on a network of trestles. Streetcar neighborhoods were booming along Madison Street, the Rainier Valley, up the slopes of Queen Anne Hill and out to Fremont and Ballard — about a dozen streetcar lines in all.

   As the turn of the century approached, birds-eye views were falling out of fashion, victims of photography. Why pay for an artist's rendition when you can get a photograph? Too bad. Photographs may be more accurate, but the camera has no point of view. It can't edit the extraneous.

   Thankfully, enough folks kept faith with the old ways, and maps persisted. Redick McKee's "Correct Road Map of Seattle and Vicinity" in 1894 attempted to identify the city's every business and residence, from the waterfront mills to the suburban homes of Columbia City and Latona — the cartographer's version of the aerial photo.

   Even as that map was being drawn, Seattle's boom stalled briefly with the financial panic of 1893. But business took off again with the arrival of the Great Northern Railroad, the Klondike Gold Rush and the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition of 1909. By 1911, Seattle was bursting its seams, in more ways than one. The population had multiplied to 240,000. Business, including real estate, was thriving. But the city's famous hills and lakes and waterways became obstacles. Seattle was fast becoming mired in its own geography.

   So City Hall hired Virgil Bogue, a well-known engineer and planner, to draw up a bold makeover. Bogue's Grand Plan called for a broad boulevard, lined with classical architecture, extending from downtown to Lake Union. He designed an ambitious mass-transit system with subways, elevated trains, bridges and tunnels. And he attempted to sell the idea with an inch-thick document composed largely of maps.

   Condemning it as too ambitious and costly, voters defeated Bogue's Plan. Ninety years later, there is a double irony to that decision. The plan would have given the city the transit system it now yearns for. But, had it been built, it almost certainly would have been dismantled, replaced by cars. Streetcar lines were shut down in 1940, the rails sold as scrap to Japan.

   Instead of building transit, the city had moved earth, leveling hills and using the dirt to fill the mudflats, digging a ship canal that linked Puget Sound to the lakes, straightening the Duwamish River and building a huge artificial island at its mouth to accommodate shipping. By 1915, Seattle had literally reconstructed its own landscape.

   Meanwhile, roads and road maps were beginning to define the American landscape, including Seattle's. Able to grow in only two directions, the city spread quickly to its present-day limits, and the market was for maps that helped drivers navigate from Point A to Point B.  Instead of streetcar lines, roads would direct the city's dynamics. Up to 1940, the Eastside had been virtually irrelevant. Kirkland, linked to Seattle by ferry, shows up on maps from the 1930s, but Bellevue was still populated by berry farmers.

   Then, in 1940, came the Lake Washington Floating Bridge. The rest is history.

    The Age of the Automobile has not done much for the art of maps. From the 1930s to the present, little has been added to the Seattle map — I-5, a few bridges, Seattle Center. One could drive much of today's Seattle with a 1940 map.  "The natural environment and topography have virtually disappeared," Lange says. "The only residue are the waterways and shorelines."

   But maps remain imbedded in American culture. Dog-eared city maps are stuffed into our desk drawers and under our car seats. Pocket maps are for sale alongside the Bic lighters at the supermarket checkstand. Maps are in the telephone book, on the office wall, spilling out of the new National Geographic.  Rand McNally, which has been publishing maps for some 130 years, runs a little shop downtown that sells seven different maps of Seattle, six Seattle guidebooks with maps, 10 various state and regional atlases, plus maps for virtually any major city around the globe. Internet sites will print you a map of any given address, and show you how to get there. Rand McNally is heavily into the business of selling handheld computers and software that will do much the same — and more.

   For map nuts like me, there is something numbing about all this. The Internet spits out a map virtually identical to the one you see at Rand McNally. Seattle in white, suburbs in pastel pink, all overlaid with red and yellow and black lines designating streets and highways. There is no landscape, no contour, no geography, no art and no new perspective. Just roads.

   These are not maps. They are wiring diagrams. Where is Augustus Koch when we really need him? We yearn for a mapmaker with a strong point of view. Consider Saul Steinberg's famous 1976 New Yorker cover, "View of the World from Ninth Avenue," a Manhattan street scene in the foreground, then east to the Hudson River, Jersey, a vague smattering of mountains out west.

     But computers also do marvelous things. David Finlayson and his colleagues at the University of Washington have compiled 100 years of land and marine surveys, millions of bits of information on elevations and depths from Mount Rainier to the deepest point in Puget Sound, and fed it into one powerful computer.

   The result is a cartographic gem, the most thorough and detailed rendition of our landscape ever produced. Man's handiwork is present in the form of Harbor Island and the Ship Canal. Otherwise, the computer shows us a Seattle stripped of our steel and asphalt interference. It is a map biased toward geography, depicting narrow ridges and valleys running north to south, tracks of the Vashon Glacier that, 14,000 years ago, covered what we know as Seattle with a mile of ice. Study this map and you're liable to hear the glacier grinding its way south, carving the landscape. This is a map with perspective. It uses Seattle's most up-to-date digital technology to reveal its most ancient information.

   And it is beautiful. Soon Finlayson's map of where I live will take its rightful place on my wall — right alongside those of Koch and Bogue and George Vancouver.

The Viaduct at a Crossroads

Dutiful Servant, Brutal Barrier

 

 

   MY FIRST VIEW OF SEATTLE was from the back seat of the family Ford, rumbling northward on the Alaskan Way Viaduct. For a 14-year-old, the view from the top deck was a midsummer's dream — on the left, white ferries and the sawtooth Olympic Mountains set against an impossibly blue Puget Sound, on the right that handsome, pre-skyscraper cityscape, with the Smith Tower glowing orange in the late afternoon sun.

   That was in 1962, the summer of the World's Fair. And that is when I decided I would live here. Forty years later, every journey along that concrete esplanade reminds me that I made a good decision.

   It also reminds me why the viaduct has got to go. After 30 years of civic debate over the relative benefits and risks of the elevated viaduct, that conclusion is fast becoming conventional wisdom. Last year's Nisqually Earthquake shook its dubious footings, closing it to traffic while makeshift repairs were made. Had the quake been a bit closer, or more violent, it would have been worse.

   "There are at least a couple of ways it can fail in a heavier quake," says Tom Madden, project engineer with the state Department of Transportation. He stands beneath the viaduct, pointing up into its suspect underpinnings, seeing things I don't. "Maybe it's not an emergency," he says. "But you might say we're in an emphatic hurry. We have an opportunity to learn from other people's mistakes, and to do this right."

   The opportunity goes beyond that. If Seattle gets its act together, replacing the Alaskan Way Viaduct could be the project that reconnects Seattle with its waterfront and links urban landmarks from Safeco Field and Pioneer Square to Pike Place Market, Seattle Center and even South Lake Union.

   With this in mind, a team of state and city engineers has been examining the alternatives — a new elevated freeway, a covered trench, a deep tunnel or some combination of the above. But taxpayers are grumpy. Nobody really knows what it would cost, but think billions. Replacing the viaduct is likely to be the most costly project in Seattle history, more than the I-90 bridge, the Convention Center, both sports stadiums — combined!

   Boston's notorious "Big Dig," which set out to replace a similar, 1950s, elevated freeway, has turned into a fiasco with a price tag of $14 billion — and counting. And Seattle's recent record of building big projects is dubious. This is the city that built a domed stadium, then blew it up because it didn't have enough bathrooms. This is the city that has already spent $1 billion on a mass-transit system that has yet to begin construction.

   To make matters worse, the tax revolt leaves city leaders scratching for some way to pay the tab in the midst of a local and national recession — and a continuing tax revolt. Even as they study ways to replace it, these leaders have no certainty they will get the $30 million or so they need for preliminary planning.

   It looks like there will be no way around the dreaded "T" word — "tolls." That's how recent freeways in Southern California have been financed. But officials here find it nearly impossible to even mouth the word.

   All this to replace a venerable highway that may be drop-dead ugly but still carries 110,000 cars and trucks a day through the guts of the city.

   THE ALASKAN WAY VIADUCT dates to those heady years after World War II, when Seattle was riding one of its periodic booms. Thousands of engineers and skilled workers had migrated here to build Boeing bombers and warships. Wages were good, and the quality of life was even better.

   But all those people created hopeless traffic jams in a city where water closes in on two sides and virtually every road of consequence converged on downtown Seattle. The jobs were in the South End while a lot of folks were seeking housing in the north. There was no I-5, and Aurora Avenue, the closest thing to a north-south highway, stopped at Denny Way. Commuters had to make their way along Fourth Avenue, the bottleneck in Seattle's hourglass. Something had to be done.

   So engineers went to work, looking for some way to get traffic not to but through downtown. They looked at turning Sixth Avenue into a highway, but ultimately, in 1948, rejected that idea in favor of an elevated highway — the region's first "freeway" — right along the waterfront, connecting with Alaskan Way on the south and with a new tunnel under Broad Street, which in turn connected with Aurora.

   From the outset, planners considered the aesthetics of the project. City Engineer R.W. Finke promised that the structure would "achieve good architectural lines without any sacrifice in economy." However, he warned the City Council, "it is not beautiful. The requirements of rigid economy have dictated a slenderness of line that is not in harmony with the overall proportions."  Which was City Hall's way of saying: Well, it will create a concrete wall along the waterfront — but it's worth it. The waterfront was dying anyway, as shipping moved south to Harbor Island, which could handle the huge vessels and cranes needed for containerized cargo.  "I am very strongly of the opinion that the structure will not depreciate the appearance of Alaskan Way and the waterfront," Finke persisted. "On the contrary, I am sure that it will improve it."

   And so the viaduct was built — 8,070 lineal feet of concrete roadway, two levels, 24,000 cubic yards of concrete reinforced by 10,000 tons of steel. It was a project only an engineer could love — a brutalist barricade, 60 feet tall, that blocked views and broadcast traffic noise for blocks around.   From an engineering standpoint, the viaduct was impressive — big, solid, efficient and, at less than $4 million, a bargain. When it opened in 1952, it was heralded as a civic asset, a "motorists' dream," and a tourist attraction on a par with Mount Rainier and the Lake Washington Floating Bridge. Soon it was carrying an average of 50,000 cars a day past downtown Seattle.

   But the engineers blew it on two counts. First, they built on landfill — dirt from the various "regrades" that sought to flatten downtown streets. To make matters worse, the dirt is contained by a makeshift seawall of logs and concrete slabs, some of which dated as far back as 1905. That works fine under normal conditions, but in an earthquake, there is a risk of liquefaction — hard ground turning to mud. Finke's pitch to the Council never mentioned that.

   It was to be only the first crucial piece of a web of concrete that would crisscross the city. Interstate 5 came along in the early '60s, closely following that Sixth Avenue route Finke had studied 20 years earlier. Plans called for yet another north-south freeway, the R.H. Thomson, that would slice along the ridge overlooking Lake Washington, plus east-west freeways to link them all into a regional grid. Planners even had the foresight to build elaborate concrete interchanges that would save the taxpayers money later.

   And then came the revolution. Perhaps it began with transplanted Californians, who had seen what freeways did to Los Angeles. Maybe it was the Lesser Seattle movement, which argued that freeways are self-fulfilling prophecies that immediately fill with cars. And maybe it was that slab of concrete, strewn along the waterfront — a rude reminder of the consequences of our infatuation with the automobile.

   Whatever the reasons, Seattle in the 1970s turned thumbs down on freeways. The Bay Freeway across South Lake Union was wiped off the books. So was the R.H. Thomson. Critics almost killed plans for the new I-90 bridge across the lake; only an agreement to cover much of the thing saved it. Those orphaned interchanges remained ramps to nowhere, waiting for some future civilization to dig them up and speculate on their religious functions.

   The viaduct was becoming a metaphor for whatever was wrong with Seattle. In 1975, a tanker truck crashed on the upper deck, spilling burning gas onto the street below, almost trapping 150 people in a Pioneer Square nightclub. The critics winced and wagged their fingers. But the Alaskan Way Viaduct stood firm, sucking cars in and out of the city, blocking views, barricading city from Puget Sound, and providing crude shelter for the homeless.

   By the late '70s, the contraption had fallen so far out of favor that two councilmen — Bruce Chapman and John Miller — proposed tearing it down and replacing it with a tunnel. Then along came an upstart, Austrian architect Klaus Bodenmueller, who argued that the structure should be recycled into something better — an elongated 2 million-square-foot urban village with shops, condos, a new art museum and a grand galleria with sweeping views across Elliott Bay. Bodenmueller became obsessed with the idea, peddling it to anyone who would listen. Eventually, he went home to build a similar project over an old railroad yard in Vienna.    In 1985, a local developer got no further with his proposal to turn the viaduct into a parking garage. In the early '90s, another group of businessmen proposed to replace the viaduct with a series of tunnels, paid for by tolls.

   None of these ideas went anywhere. Seattle was intent on building other things — sports stadiums, a convention center, an art museum and a symphony hall. After 80 years of failed proposals, the region approved a plan for a mass-transit system — but no new highways.

   Then came Feb. 28, 2001. A severe quake, centered 50 miles to the south in the Nisqually Delta, rattled the city's foundations — and the viaduct's. There were isolated cases of soil liquefaction, many of them in the Duwamish area just south of downtown — some in the virtual shadow of the viaduct. The highway remained standing, but with cracked columns and weakened joints. Four months later, engineers released a report warning there is a 1-in-20 chance the structure would fail in a more severe quake in the next 10 years. They recommended replacing it.

   That report conjures images of similar structures — San Francisco's Embarcadero and Oakland's Cypress Freeway — parts of which collapsed in the 1989 earthquake. "In our case, it has more to do with the soils and with that seawall," explains Bob Chandler, viaduct project manager for the City of Seattle. "In a heavy quake, the fear is that the seawall would fail . . . and everything on it is in jeopardy."

   Any major structure on the waterfront should be on foundations that carry down to bedrock, some 100 feet below, as was done with the stadiums, he says.

   Chandler represents the city, and Madden the state, in the joint effort to draft plans for repairing or, more likely, replacing the structure. They've hired a big-league team of experts — a San Francisco planner who worked on reshaping that city's obsolete highways, an Australian authority on tunnels and risk analysis, engineers, meeting facilitators and more. So far it's been a surprisingly public process, with open meetings, lots of citizen involvement and a Web site that delivers useful information. All this is designed to minimize the conflict in hopes of speeding up the process.

   In a day-long tour of the corridor, Chandler and Madden reviewed the constraints they're working under. They have one major advantage: The government already owns the corridor up the Duwamish, along the waterfront, and up Battery Street to Aurora. That helps.

But problems abound. For starters, the viaduct has to remain open while it is replaced. That's what got Boston into trouble, trying to replace an urban freeway without closing it — at the cost of untold billions. They need to leave room for access ramps — something the 1940s builders barely thought about. Lanes need to be wider to accommodate trucks and emergency shoulders. They need to be equipped with ventilation, fire suppressants.

   And the corridor has huge limitations. It must allow for a major rail line for freight and passenger trains. Chandler points to the existing viaduct just north of the Pike Place Market, where new buildings have gone up just inches from viaduct ramps. The Battery Street Tunnel is equally narrow, allowing little or no room for more lanes. And a few blocks north, neighbors such as KING Broadcasting and Holiday Inns have built right up to the property line, so expanding the corridor may mean running a lane through existing hotel rooms, or through KING anchor Jean Enersen's dressing room.

  In February, the team unveiled a set of alternative plans. Plan A was perhaps the simplest and least expensive. It would replace the existing viaduct with a new one, plus a two-level tunnel connecting Alaskan Way with Aurora.

   Plan B was a combination — an elevated highway for southbound lanes and an underground, cut-and-cover trench for northbound lanes, connecting with a deep tunnel beneath the existing Battery Street tunnel.  Plan C would have replaced the viaduct with a cut-and-cover trench, which would be tied into a new downtown seawall, eventually leaving the surface open for parks, a waterfront boulevard, transit or whatever.

   Many of the listeners wanted to drop Plans A and B altogether. After years of looking at one ugly viaduct, who wants another one? Waterfront real estate has become far too valuable to turn over to cars. Instead, they gushed over the prospects of eliminating the wall and reconnecting Seattle with the waterfront that made it a great city. "Instead of just thinking about the costs, we need to think about the return-on-investment," said City Councilman Richard Conlin.

   Others talked about possibilities for public transit — a new monorail, or an extended streetcar line. Still others yearn to extend the project even farther, creating a grand, sweeping parkway from Safeco Field to South Lake Union.

   But there was an unspoken sense of the ethereal in that meeting room. While civic leaders entertained grand visions, each had to be wondering: Get real! This is the city that inspired Tim Eyman to launch a tax revolt, a city that Boeing dumped in favor of Chicago, a city where dot-coms have collapsed right and left, a city that already blew its civic wad on a transit system that may or may not get built, on a new City Hall and a convention center, on two sports stadiums and an aging second baseman from Cincinnati who had one good year. What are the chances that taxpayers will spend billions to tear down a perfectly good viaduct and replace it with a tunnel and a waterfront park?

   Once upon a time, Seattle's civic leaders hired yet another nationally-known engineer, Virgil Bogue, and assigned him to craft a bold development plan appropriate to a new century. Bogue set up shop downtown and spent a year studying the city before producing a thick document that called for a new civic center, new parks, parkways and highways, tunnels and an elaborate mass-transit system. He didn't know what it would cost, but he promised a rich return on the investment.   When the Bogue Plan was put to a popular vote, it lost nearly 2-to-1. That was in 1911. Instead of following his plan, Seattle leveled some hills and used the dirt as landfill behind a slapdash seawall.

   A generation later, the city built a "motorists' dream" along that hastily-built waterfront. And the rest is history.

Model totems: A Seattle Icon

Still Standing: From fine art to the trinket trade, a Native tradition survives
By Ross Anderson

   Somewhere out there in America, Internet entrepreneurs are selling "Northwest Coast-style totem poles" on eBay for prices starting at about $30. These totems are hand-carved and hand-painted, 20 to 30 inches tall, and they look very Northwest. I know, because I bought one. And today it sits on my fireplace mantel with the rest of my growing collection of model totem poles. I like it.
   But it's worth noting that said totems are hand-carved by a family in Indonesia. They may be Northwest "style," but they are definitely not Northwest Coast. So it goes with the quintessential icon of the Pacific Northwest.

   Once upon a time, the people who lived in this soggy corner of the continent whittled away at native cedar logs and created exquisite renditions of Northwest creatures, real and mythical — bears and orcas and frogs and the obligatory, spread-winged Thunderbird. Painted in blacks and earthy reds, those sculptures were instantly recognized as distinctly us. To appreciate their artistry, stop by the Burke Museum or Ye Olde Curiosity Shop on the waterfront.

     Click onto eBay and search for "totem," and you will get hundreds of hits. You will find Navajo totems, Iroquois totems and Seminole totems. You will find totems made of plastic or cast iron or cardboard, painted in every imaginable hue including phosphorescent yellow and pink. You will find totem pole salt-and-pepper shakers, made in China. You will find totem-shaped whiskey or perfume bottles, spoons and candles and door knockers and bottle openers. You will find Muppet totems, and Winnie the Pooh totems and, yes, Mickey Mouse totems, with Mickey sitting atop Goofy, selling for $25 or more.
   Here and there, you may find the odd legitimate Northwest model totem — skillfully carved from red or yellow cedar, in symmetrical forms and signed by the artist. And it's nice to know that totems carved or believed to be carved by Northwest Native Americans still bring the best prices — frequently into three and four digits.   But most of what's for sale out there is about as Northwest as pepperoni pizza. The totem pole has been yanked from the bosom of the Northwest. It has been borrowed, altered, derived and effectively corrupted into terrible things that bear no real resemblance to the little model totem poles we know and love.
   And somehow it doesn't seem right.
   And somehow it seems perfectly appropriate, because we started it. The desecration of the Northwest Coast totem pole started right here at home. Consider:
   • Totem poles are not native to Puget Sound Country. Historians tell us that totems as we know them were part of the culture of just three coastal tribes — the Haida, Tlingit and Tsimshian — who lived hundreds of miles north of here in British Columbia and Alaska. Puget Sound Indians did not traditionally carve totems, and it is unlikely that Chief Seattle ever saw one.
   • Even those northern people carved big totems exclusively. The much smaller model totems were produced only when the tourists began to show up, shopping for souvenirs.
   • Even the word "totem" is not Northwest. It was borrowed from the Algonquian language of the Ojibwa people some 2,000 miles east of here.
    Over the past century, totem poles have traveled from the shores of the Pacific to the shelves of airport gift shops and to the brink of extinction — and back again. To a great extent, that cultural journey mirrors the recent history of the people who created the enduring art form in the first place.
     AUTHORITIES AREN'T sure how long those northern Native peoples had been carving totems. The raw material being highly biodegradable, old totems have long since deteriorated, leaving little evidence of what was carved before European contact. Some early European explorers collected samples of Northwest carving, and those artifacts remain in European museums. But other explorers such as George Vancouver did not report seeing totems, leading some authorities to believe that totems were rather scarce until the newcomers arrived with iron carving tools.
   Still, carving was clearly an essential part of the Northwest culture, says Robin Wright, a UW art historian who works with the Northwest collections at the Burke Museum. Their purpose was "to display family crests," Wright explains. "They were heraldic crests that belonged to noble families." Their most important function may have been to denote the clan association of a particular household.
   The shape and style of the art varied from one culture to the next, she says. While the northern Haidas and Tlingits carved the familiar totems, other tribes such as the Kwakiutl, who lived along the central British Columbia coast, produced handsome carvings that doubled as house posts. The Puget Sound Salish people were more likely to produce carved panels, few of which have survived.
   By the mid-19th century, as whites arrived and controlled the region, they brought the iron tools that enabled coastal artists to carve deeper and faster. But they also brought epidemics of smallpox and other diseases that killed thousands of people, sometimes entire villages. Then the white governments banned the "potlatch" ceremonies; the gift-giving feasts were believed to undermine the community work ethic. Since totem poles were closely related to the potlatch, they, too, were prohibited.
    Meanwhile, pioneer anthropologists and tourists descended on coastal villages and began to collect artifacts for East Coast museums. In 1899, some Seattle businessmen, touring the Alaska coast, sawed down a giant totem in the southeastern village of Tongass, shipped it home to Seattle and raised it with great fanfare in Pioneer Square. A replica of that pole still stands there.
But the same invaders who stole and outlawed totems may also have helped save them — albeit inadvertently. By the late 19th century, steamships full of tourists were sailing through the spectacular Inside Passage, stopping in coastal villages to snap photos of the Natives. The Canadian Pacific Railroad went so far as to turn one village's totems to face passing tourists.
The tourists, in turn, wanted souvenirs, and the Natives obliged.
    "Most people couldn't pack up a full-sized totem," explains Bill McLennan, a curator at the British Columbia Museum of Anthropology in Vancouver. "They wanted something portable."
    The first models were produced by Haida carvers — and not from wood, but argillite, a soft, black, soapstone-like mineral found exclusively at a single quarry in the Queen Charlotte Islands, McLennan says. Initially, argillite was carved for trade with visiting sailors, but eventually they were sold to tourists as well.
   In time, the small sculptures proved so popular, and profitable, that neighboring tribes resumed carving. The model totems took the same characteristic forms — stylized bears, birds, whales and other regional creatures, usually painted in deep reds, blacks and greens. The government officials and missionaries who had banned the potlatch considered this enterprise to be industrious, and encouraged it.
    "There was more travel, leading to an exchange of ideas," Wright says. "Gradually, the custom moved southward."  And beyond. The 1893 Chicago World's Fair included an elaborate display of Northwest arts — not just model totems, but entire villages with model houses and model canoes, all commissioned by Franz Boaz, the pioneer anthropologist who had collected countless coastal artifacts for Eastern museums.
   Eventually, Native Americans across the country were producing their own totems. Skilled carvers were sought out by museums and subsidized by both the U.S. and Canadian governments — especially during the Great Depression. Eventually, totems were being mass-produced in small factories.
   The market has moved overseas as well. Dorothy Martin, manager of Hill's Native Art in Vancouver, B.C., sees a steady flow of German tourists in her shop. "They're very sophisticated and interested in it," she says. "I'm told it started with German children's stories about Canada and First Nations people. Now they have clubs and perform Native dances and ceremonies."
    NATIVE ART has become big business, supporting scores of artists and shops from Anchorage to San Francisco and beyond. A Vancouver company called Boma, founded by a Russian-Swiss immigrant, has been manufacturing resin copies of traditional argillite totems for four decades. They've expanded into prints and other artifacts, and founder Boris Mange reports they're doing just fine.
   Given today's technology, totems are relatively easy to reproduce — legally or otherwise. One well-known Makah artist sued and won when he discovered that Alaska shops were selling model totems with his counterfeit signature. A few years ago, two Seattle merchants paid $40,000 in fines for selling thousands of pieces of art advertised as Native-made when they were not.
   If globalization has watered down the original arts, it has also had benefits. Wright and other authorities emphasize that it was the tourist traffic in model totems and other Northwest arts that enabled coastal carvers to survive the grim years of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Canadian artists such as Charlie James, Ellen Neel, Mungo Martin and Ray Williams were able to make a living with their carving. They, in turn, passed their skills along to the next generation of carvers such as Bill Reid of Canada.
   Model totems from that period are scarce, and in great demand. A Charlie James totem, if it could be found, would sell for the price of a decent car.
   Robin Wright, at Seattle's Burke Museum, is trying to track down the carvings from the 1893 Fair, which were scattered across the art world. Some were preserved at the Field Museum in Chicago, but she's found others as far-flung as Brooklyn, Philadelphia and Vienna. And she's still hunting.
    Today, model totems remain a standard souvenir for visitors to this region. To sample the fare, take a stroll down First Avenue and the waterfront. Start with the gift shops around the Pike Place Market, where you'll find 6- or 8-inch totems lined up like canned goods right next to the T-shirts and miniature Space Needles. The thunderbird wings may swivel, and it may look like it was carved with a chainsaw, but that's what you get for $50 to $100.
   Look a little farther and you'll find The Legacy, which has been selling high-end regional Native American art since the 1930s. Here you can buy a 10-inch totem signed by the carver for $1,200, or a 9-foot, full-sized model for $25,000.
    The middlebrow market is a short walk down the hill at Ye Olde Curiosity Shoppe, a family-owned landmark that has been selling model totems since the 1890s. Here the door itself is framed in totems. And inside you need to get past the glass-encased mummies and plastic trinkets to find an entire corner devoted to model totems, standing wingtip-to-wingtip against the back wall.
    "I think my great grandfather had a lot of influence on the art," says Andy James, the latest of four generations who have sold totems here. "He cut pictures from a big anthropology book, loaned them to Native artists and told them: 'If you can carve this, I can sell it.' And he did."
    James won't hazard a guess at how many totems his family has sold, except to say "thousands" — everything from 4-inch Boma replicas to 6-foot originals, at prices ranging from $10 to $1,000 or more.  "Years ago, we had a carver who called himself Chief White Eagle who carved small totems and painted them in fluorescent colors — mainly because he had a lot of that paint," James says. "They were really awful. But we couldn't get enough of them. People came in, looked at the good stuff, then turned around and spotted those fluorescent totems, and that's what they wanted."
   Behind the counter, Jim Breen specializes in totems. He sold them here in the 1960s, and has been collecting them ever since. The clientele, he says, is a mix of souvenir-hunters and serious collectors, and he can satisfy both.  Given the opportunity, however, he pushes the work of a select few artists — particularly Rick Williams, who comes from a Canadian Nitinaht family that has been carving for generations.
   These days, Williams lives with his wife and three sons in the old industrial town of Concrete in the Upper Skagit Valley. He says he's been carving for 41 years, since he was 6. He works long days, either in his shop or, weather permitting, alongside Highway 20, where he sells his work to passersby. When I talked to him, he was sharpening his Old Timer pocket knife, and packing up a 30-inch, $1,000 totem for shipment to a gallery in Switzerland.
    To this point, Williams' work does not qualify as museum art — perhaps because he is so prolific. Like all art, the value of totems is based in large part on supply, and there is no scarcity of Rick Williams totems. After all those years, he has "no clue" how many he has produced. On a good day, he can carve an 18-inch totem, or a couple of 12-inchers.
    He's aware of the competition — the molded resin copies and the overseas knock-offs. "Some guy keeps calling me, wanting to make molds and do some mass marketing or something," Williams says. "But that doesn't feel right.
   "Besides, there are plenty of people out there who want to buy my work. I don't have any trouble selling what I carve, and I'm supporting my family. What else can I ask?"
    To a casual collector, his totems are skillfully rendered, intricate and handsome. They would stand up well to those museum pieces up at the Burke. But what do I know? I'm the guy whose mantel is graced by a totem pole carved in Northwest Indonesia.
   I know this: That a few regional artists like Rick Williams are helping keep alive something important, an art form that helps distinguish this soggy coastline from the great sweep of homogenized American culture. Yes, totem poles can be copied from pictures in magazines and popped from resin molds. They can depict Apache warriors, or Mickey Mouse and Goofy. They can be sold for $10 or $10,000 and displayed in living rooms in Seattle or Switzerland.
But our regional icon is safe as long as Williams is out there, sitting beside the highway and using a pocket knife to transform a block of clear-grained cedar into a mythical montage of Northwest orcas and brown bears topped off by a spread-winged thunderbird.